Pershing, in the First World War — About being there, Said said: To make matters worse, Arabic, my native language, and English, my school language, were inextricably mixed: I have never known which was my first language, and have felt fully at home in neither, although I dream in both.
This exclusion of "all persons of Japanese ancestry, both alien and non-alien," from the Pacific Coast area on a plea of military necessity in the absence of martial law ought not to be approved.
Such exclusion goes over "the very brink of constitutional power," and falls into the ugly abyss of racism. In dealing with matters relating to the prosecution and progress of a war, we must accord great respect and consideration [p] to the judgments of the military authorities who are on the scene and who have full knowledge of the military facts.
The scope of their discretion must, as a matter of necessity and common sense, be wide. And their judgments ought not to be overruled lightly by those whose training and duties ill-equip them States by edward said deal intelligently with matters so vital to the physical security of the nation.
At the same time, however, it is essential that there be definite limits to military discretion, especially where martial law has not been declared. Individuals must not be left impoverished of their constitutional rights on a plea of military necessity that has neither substance nor support.
Thus, like other claims conflicting with the asserted constitutional rights of the individual, the military claim must subject itself to the judicial process of having its reasonableness determined and its conflicts with other interests reconciled.
What are the allowable limits of military discretion, and whether or not they have been overstepped in a particular case, are judicial questions. The judicial test of whether the Government, on a plea of military necessity, can validly deprive an individual of any of his constitutional rights is whether the deprivation is reasonably related to a public danger that is so "immediate, imminent, and impending" as not to admit of delay and not to permit the intervention of ordinary constitutional processes to alleviate the danger.
Civilian Exclusion Order No. Being an obvious racial discrimination, the [p] order deprives all those within its scope of the equal protection of the laws as guaranteed by the Fifth Amendment.
It further deprives these individuals of their constitutional rights to live and work where they will, to establish a home where they choose and to move about freely. In excommunicating them without benefit of hearings, this order also deprives them of all their constitutional rights to procedural due process.
Yet no reasonable relation to an "immediate, imminent, and impending" public danger is evident to support this racial restriction, which is one of the most sweeping and complete deprivations of constitutional rights in the history of this nation in the absence of martial law.
It must be conceded that the military and naval situation in the spring of was such as to generate a very real fear of invasion of the Pacific Coast, accompanied by fears of sabotage and espionage in that area. The military command was therefore justified in adopting all reasonable means necessary to combat these dangers.
In adjudging the military action taken in light of the then apparent dangers, we must not erect too high or too meticulous standards; it is necessary only that the action have some reasonable relation to the removal of the dangers of invasion, sabotage and espionage.
But the exclusion, either temporarily or permanently, of all persons with Japanese blood in their veins has no such reasonable relation. And that relation is lacking because the exclusion order necessarily must rely for its reasonableness upon the assumption that all persons of Japanese ancestry may have a dangerous tendency to commit sabotage and espionage and to aid our Japanese enemy in other ways.
It is difficult to believe that reason, logic, or experience could be marshalled in support of such an assumption. That this forced exclusion was the result in good measure of this erroneous assumption of racial guilt, rather than [p] bona fide military necessity is evidenced by the Commanding General's Final Report on the evacuation from the Pacific Coast area.Edward Said and Activist Palestinian-American Activist Edward Said’s Ongoing Impact E dward Said’s lifework as an author and peace advocate shows no signs of fading.
Historians used to know - and it was not too long ago - that the War Between the States had more to do with economics than it did with slavery. Edward Said States Essay examples Words | 8 Pages States Edward: Said “States,” by Edward Said is an essay written by a Palestinian man with first-hand accounts of daily life in .
Orientalism [Edward W. Said] on webkandii.com *FREE* shipping on qualifying offers. More than three decades after its first publication, Edward Said's groundbreaking critique of the West's historical. Edward Joseph Snowden (born 21 June ) is a former contractor who worked for the National Security Agency (NSA) of the United webkandii.com released top secret NSA documents.
His job at the NSA allowed him access to them. He has said, "I do not want to live in . Edward Said (1 November – 25 September ) was a literary theorist, cultural critic, and political activist for Palestine. He was University Professor of English and Comparative Literature at Columbia University, and edited several academic books.
A founding figure in postcolonialism, he wrote dozens of books, lectures, and essays.. Anthologies of his essays have been published, and.